Wednesday, October 24, 2012

Save the Date!


REFUGEES FROM SLAVERY: CONTRABANDS IN WASHINGTON, D.C., AND NORTHERN VIRGINIA

A Lecture by Dr. Chandra Manning Followed By a Panel Discussion

On Research and Remembrance

 

   The Alexandria Black History Museum
902 Wythe Street, Alexandria, Virginia 22314
 
Thursday, November 8, 2012

 6:30 pm to 8:30 pm
 
FREE AND OPEN TO THE PUBLIC
 
For more information, call 703-746-4356

Thursday, October 18, 2012

An Interview with Christy Coleman

I first had the pleasure of meeting Christy Coleman when she took over as president of the American Civil War Center at Historic Tredegar, where I was working at the time.  For those of you who may not know her, Christy S. Coleman oversees a staff of nearly 20 full- and part-time employees at Historic Tredegar, whose mission is to tell the whole story of how the Civil War still shapes the United States. She began her career as a living history interpreter at Colonial Williamsburg, where she served in many capacities until 1999. From 1999-2005, Coleman served as president and CEO of the nation's largest African American museum, TheCharles H. Wright Museum of African American History in Detroit. During her tenure, the museum's membership grew from 3,500 to more than 15,000. Coleman has written a number of works for the museum field as well as historic drama for screen, theater and on-site programs. She was raised in Williamsburg, Virginia, and received her bachelor's and master's degrees from Hampton University. I recently had the pleasure of catching up with Christy and getting her thoughts on the sesquicentennial and various and sundry other matters of interest. Enjoy!

JP: I’d first like to get your assessment on how the Sesquicentennial commemoration is coming along so far? Are there any areas of improvement that you think should be emphasized more over the next few years?
CC: What I find most compelling about the Commemorations of the Sesquicentennial is the intent of balanced programming in most state-wide observances.  Because of these efforts, audiences are learning more about the intersection of politics, social constructs and personal decision.   With this is a seemingly greater respect for the roles of all involved. This is healthy and important for the nation as we continue to grapple with elements of the collective past that cause division. However, local events tend to be more traditional in approach-- meaning the focus remains on specific military action with complete avoidance of social or political issues. More often than not, these local events are products of various heritage groups and local historical societies.
Considerations of military campaigns and the societal impact of those battles is another area that is remarkably different than in years past. While there certainly are traditional reenactments taking place—the inclusion of United States Colored Troops, discussions about self-emancipators (Contrabands) and the home front, along with the course of battle are very encouraging.

In the closing years of the commemorations, a shift to discussions of legacies would be wonderful—however I do not expect that to be a part of national conversations. Five years is a long time to commemorate anything and attention spans rarely stay fixed on an idea or concept as diffuse as “legacies of war.” But one can always hope! Perhaps the most disappointing element of the Sesquicentennial is that there was no national commission formed—instead the Smithsonian Institute’s museums have served as the conduit for programs and exhibitions focused on the war.
JP: In 1994 you were involved in a very controversial re-creation of a slave auction while working at Colonial Williamsburg. Do you think that the public discourse over race and slavery had changed in the past 18 years? Do you see any room for similar events during the Sesquicentennial?

CC: I continue to be fascinated that there is still interest in the Estate Sale/Slave Auction program.  I think the larger question is why.  I suppose the answer lies in the fact that improvements with interpretation of slavery at the nation’s museums and historic sites has occurred, however, there are still far too many organizations that continue to struggle with how best to address the subject.  I would argue that at the root of this interpretive challenge is the fact that we as a nation have not fully addressed very complex racial issues. In fact we tend to avoid them or use diversionary tactics, often refusing to acknowledge that the issues exist at all.
Over the past eighteen years, I have attended and presented at a number of workshops and symposia on this subject and invariably the conversion is the same.  Who is doing “good” slavery interpretation? Can we replicate it? What resources do we have to introduce it? Are those resources enough? Will the public accept it? How do we prepare our docents and staff? How do we avoid controversy? The answer to each of these is greatly dependent upon the level of risk tolerance or aversion within the institution.

What I have observed thus far during the Sesquicentennial (which admittedly is limited to the work of various National Park Service sites and mid Atlantic organizations) has been a series of lectures or small exhibitions related to slavery at a particular location.  There has been very little in terms of the work of the black abolitionists and their allies to press the former Republican Party to take an emancipation platform and their ongoing efforts to help self-emancipators in the chaos of war. But the last three years of the commemoration are full of opportunities for interpretation at various sites, starting with the official Emancipation Proclamation and the formation of the USCTs.
JP: What in particular draws you to the study of history?

CC: I have always loved history, particularly social history. I have been fascinated by the lesser known stories, the little nuggets of personal experience that can illustrate larger truths. But I have never been interested in being an academic historian. Instead I have chosen to be in public history which involves engaging historians on critical ideas while simultaneously helping the public explore the complexity of the historical narrative—regardless of era.  Being party to those moments of illumination that visitors experience are very gratifying, because I clearly understand that what we do as public historians is help our visitors navigate history (the facts), heritage (beliefs and traditions) and memory (family connections) to come to a deeper level of engagement with the past.

JP: Do you have a favorite Civil War book?

CC: Not really—only because each new book that I read, opens a new area of consideration.  I do have a few favorites for widely different reasons. Among the favorites are :  The Fiery Trial (Eric Foner); Mary Chestnut’s Civil War (ed. C. Vann Woodward); Bloody Crimes (James Swanson); Richmond Burning and Cry Havoc (Nelson Langford); The Negro in the Civil War (Benjamin Quarles) and Battle Cry of Freedom (James McPherson).  There are so many others that I have read and enjoyed—but again, each of these is compelling history and have formed a structure that informs other study.
JP: What can visitors to the American Civil War Center expect to see as the Sesquicentennial continues?  

CC: We are doing considerable preservation work at Historic Tredegar to ensure that the legacy of this important industrial site is here for generations. In addition, we are building new facilities and exhibits that will enable us to showcase more elements of the history of the war through exhibits and programs.
[NOTE: I should also mention that in a few short days Christy’s crew at Tredegar will be staging "American Séance," their original theatrical production that will run Oct. 29 - Nov. 2. Visit http://www.tredegar.org/seance.aspx for details and to buy tickets. Performances will be at 7 and 8 p.m. Cost is $10 for adults and $5 for students.]

Many thanks to Christy for her time and thoughts!

 

Monday, October 8, 2012

Photo of the Day: Which Name Would You Choose?

It was a frequent occurrence for newly-freed slaves enlisting in the Union army to change their name (which is why you will see so many George Washington's on the muster rolls of nearly every USCT unit.) This grave, located in Section 23 of Arlington National Cemetery, hints that the man history calls "Beast" may have been reviled by many, but was held in high esteem by the enlisted men under his command.



Saturday, September 29, 2012

From Freedom Fighters to Bounty Hunters: USCT Press Gangs Infiltrate Freedman’s Village at Arlington

As we continue to commemorate the Sesquicentennial of the Civil War, we are moving into that span of time when Emancipation moved from the realm of proposition to reality. This past Saturday marked 150 years since the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation was issued and the amount of ink spilled on the genesis of black recruitment will no doubt increase over the next few months. As we head into this crucial period, I fear that familiar narratives that oversimplify the USCT experience will once again make their way into the public discourse.
One such narrative goes something like this: Once the Emancipation Proclamation was issued, African American men living in both the north and the south dropped what they were doing and flocked to recruiting stations to don Union blue and fight for freedom and equality.
While there is more than a germ of truth in this popular narrative, the reality shows that large numbers of African American men stayed away from military service or – even more astonishingly – were compelled to join the army by force. Whether or not a large portion of the African American military age population of a particular state sent large numbers of black troops to the front had much to with the progress of the union army. In areas where the Federals had not gained a toehold, enslaved men rarely took the tremendous risk of attempting to enlist (a good example of this is Texas, which provided fewer than 50 men total.)
Further complicating matters were instances in which the military overreached in its attempts to enlist African Americans into the ranks. Public relations disasters such as those which occurred in the Sea Islands of South Carolina in 1863, when local slaves were rounded up and forced into the army, soured the opinions of many and caused mistrust to poison the attitudes of many former slaves.
While the Sea Islands story has been recounted in such works as Rehearsal For Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment, I recently came across a similar incident that occurred much closer to home. While researching the location of Camp Casey, I came across another story that illustrates just how complex African American recruitment could be.
And the kicker for me was that it also involved none other than the 23rd USCT…
 In my previous post about Camp Casey I speculated that it could have been located on the grounds of the Arlington estate, where Robert E. Lee resided for 30 years before the outbreak of Civil War. The conclusion was based on eyewitness accounts and circumstantial evidence. And now even more evidence can be gleaned from the following:
In April of 1864, D. B. Nichols, the Superintendent of Freedman’s Village (a large contraband camp located near the present-day site of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier), wrote a letter to Col. Elias Greene, Chief Quartermaster of the Department of Washington. The letter begins by recounting an event that had occurred during the previous month. Nichols states that he met five men, “one wearing the dress of a sergeant of the Colored Regt forming at [Camp] Casey” who asked permission to enter Freedman’s Village “to see their friends.” Nichols allowed the men to enter and apparently gave them no more thought until he was met “by a crowd of women in great distress, saying that colored men had been inside and taken away five or six persons by force, entirely against their will.” The press gang then escaped Freedman’s Village through a gap between the guard posts and “had taken the men off to the camp.” The incident was immediately reported, but it appears to have caused little concern, except among Nichols and the residents of Freedman’s Village.

Map of Freedman's Village, 1865
Nichols summed up this disturbing event by writing:
“This affair had a most unfortunate influence upon the minds of the inhabitants of ‘Freedman’s Village,’ so that many of them were kept from night schools and meetings, for fear of being pressed into service against their will.”
In response, the leadership of Freedman’s Village issued an order telling the sentries “to admit no Colored soldier to the camp, unless upon a written order, except it was to attend church on the Sabbath; nor could any white person be admitted if it was thought that the object of the visit was to interfere with the order…of the camp.”
It appears as if this measure was effective for all of three weeks, when the roving bands of recruiters learned of the arrival of 407 men, women, and children who had just arrived from Haiti and were temporarily lodged at Freedman’s Village. Apparently this large group of potential recruits proved too tempting a target and after being denied entrance to the camp, the recruiting party made another attempt to forcibly round up men of military age and escort them quietly out of the camp. This time, however, the sentries were alerted to the problem and the Haitians were “forcibly taken possession of by [the] guard and brought inside the village.”
Needless to say, this did not sit well with the recruiters of the 23rd USCT. Capt. Robert G. Perry, a commander of the guard at Freedman’s Village, wrote that their resistance “incensed and provoked these Recruiting Officers beyond measure.” Perry went on to note that, “They have threatened to ‘Clean out the Village,’ a threat which fortunately for the parties concerned, was never attempted to be enforced. There would have been some Colored Soldiers less.”
So what was the method employed in these attempts to impress men into the 23rd USCT? According to Nichols, the soldiers would approach a freed person inside the camp and tell them, “if you go quietly you will receive fifteen dollars bounty, but if you refuse, you will get no money and we shall draft you.”
Other recruiters were less ambiguous:
“Some of the inmates of this village have been stopped by colored soldiers and threatened, if they would not enlist; and the only manner they saved themselves from being pressed, was because they possessed greater physical strength.”
The motivation, then, was simple enough – these soldiers would entice men to join on the premise of a lucrative bounty, which was usually more than they made in one month of work at Freedman’s Village. In reality, the promised bounty would most likely end up in the hands of agents or speculators. However, the members of the 23rd USCT who brought the “fresh fish” into Camp Casey would, in fact, receive a bounty for each recruit obtained.
It is also important to note that these events took place before July of 1864 when congress passed legislation making it legal for Northern states to recruit black Southerners and count them towards their state quotas – a practice accomplished by paying them sizeable bounties and which usually caused such excesses as those which occurred at Freedman’s Village. Perhaps the motivating factor, then, lies in the issue of unequal pay for USCTs, which had not been fully resolved by March of 1864. Perhaps the bounty hunters were simply trying to compensate for the smaller amount of money that they were paid each month.
As Nichols concluded his report, he stated that if the African American men of Freedman’s Village were to be recruited, “let it not be by a squad of Black Soldiers who have been promised so much bounty on the obtaining of a certain number of Recruits.”
As for the inhabitants of Freedman’s Village, nothing positive seems to have emerged from their ordeal. We may never know how many of the members of the 23rd USCT that were killed at the Battle of the Crater were former residents of Freedman’s Village, forced to enlist and fight against their wishes. Nichols described the overall reaction as follows:
“It has filled these people with such fear the communication is almost entirely broken off between this Village and ‘Camp Todd’ (another of our Camps bordered on the ‘Govt Farms’ under this command) this Camp being situated beyond the barracks where the Colored Regt is situated.”

Residents of Freedman's Village
Injustices such as those committed at Freedman’s Village should be inculcated into the larger narrative of black military service as the Sesquicentennial continues. The overall narrative of brave African American men rising up and striking a decisive blow for freedom will not be diminished and our understanding of their service will be deepened.  

Friday, September 21, 2012

Remembering Sacred Honor

This week marks one year since my book was released. It has received many nice reviews and attention from a variety of sources, but this "review" might just prove to be the most meaningful.

Wednesday, September 5, 2012

Did Arlington's Slaves Rise Up To Fight Robert E. Lee?

Most students of the American Civil War are familiar with the story of how Arlington National Cemetery was created – in the spring of 1864 when the need arose for a new burial ground near the nation’s capital, Quartermaster General Montgomery C. Meigs sought to kill two birds with one stone. By locating the cemetery on the grounds of the Arlington estate, Meigs found ample ground for new grave space and had the opportunity to ensure that his prewar acquaintance -- Robert E. Lee – would not be able to come back to the place he had called home for 30 years. A lesser-known but equally compelling story related to Civil War Arlington is that of Freedman’s Village, where newly-freed slaves came by the thousands to work government farms and receive a rudimentary education. Sojourner Truth worked at Freedman’s Village for one year during the war, and many Northerners eagerly followed the accounts of the famous contraband camp on the grounds of the Custis-Lee Mansion.

Freedman's Village, 1864.
The tale of Union war dead (many of whose deaths could be traced back directly to Lee’s army) being buried at Lee’s home and a contraband camp situated on the site where approximately 60 slaves had toiled is rich in irony.

But what if the irony went even deeper than that?
What if thousands of United States Colored Troops were taught the rudiments of being a soldier on the grounds of Arlington as well?

Enter the tantalizing mystery of Camp Casey.

I first ran across the story of Camp Casey when I joined the recreated 23rd USCT last year. The original 23rd was organized at Camp Casey in late 1863 was sent south from there in 1864, just in time for the Overland Campaign. But the 23rd was far from the only African American unit trained at Camp Casey. The 2nd, 28th, and 29th USCT (to name a few) spent time at Camp Casey as well.

So where exactly was Camp Casey? Well, that’s the question I’ve been trying to answer for quite some time now. Here is a sample of what I’ve been able to piece together so far:
We know that you could see Arlington House from it. A soldier in the 1st Battalion, New York Sharpshooters wrote in late 1863 that Camp Casey was “in sight of Rebel General Lee’s residence.” Robert Hamilton, a correspondent for the Weekly Anglo-African, wrote that Camp Casey was “situated on Arlington Heights not very far from the late residence of the far-famed rebel Gen. Lee.”

A further piece of the puzzle comes into clarity from the chronicler of the 29th USCT, Edward A. Miller, Jr. who places Camp Casey “near Fort Albany, one of the installations built to defend the capital.”                                                                                                                           

Circumstantial evidence comes from a War Department document from November of 1864 authorizing Charles Syphax to sell food and other items “to the soldiers within the limits of Camp Casey, Va until further orders.”  Charles Syphax oversaw the dining room at Arlington and lived on property adjoining the original 1,100 acre estate. Given the fact that Syphax was in his 70’s in 1864, Camp Casey must have been near his residence.

Confusing matters is the fact that there were at least two other camps in the nearby area named after Silas Casey – one in Bladensburg, MD and another near Shooter’s Hill in Alexandria. Both are too far away to see Arlington House and nowhere near the location of Fort Albany. This makes sense because Casey commanded the Provisional Brigade, which unbrigaded USCT units were a part of.
I have examined at least a dozen different maps of Arlington and the surrounding area and Camp Casey doesn’t appear on any of them.



Defenses of Washington. Note the location of Ft. Albany and its proximity to Arlington House.
 However, it seems safe to say that Camp Casey was very near – possibly on – the estate that Lee lived at for over 30 years. If Camp Casey can be pinpointed to be on the Arlington site it would add yet poignant and significant dimension to a place already steeped in Civil War lore.

It also leads to a very tantalizing question – if Camp Casey was on the Arlington estate and  many slaves from the nearby area came to the camp to enlist in the Union army, did any of the Custis slaves whom Lee would have known very well take up arms and fight against him?

To illustrate how amazing this possibility could prove to be, let me illustrate by giving a hypothetical. Let’s suppose that one of the male slaves at Arlington ventured into Camp Casey and joined one of the units that would soon be embroiled in the Battle of the Crater. By some miracle, he survives the battle and is taken prisoner. As he is being marched to the rear, he walks by Lee and some of his staff who have ridden up to take in the situation.
And then it happens.
Their eyes meet.
Lee is utterly taken aback by that fact that he recognizes one of the black faces being paraded by him.
It may seem far-fetched, but we do know that nearby slaves did wonder into Camp Casey and enlist. We even have records of the commandant of Freedman’s Village complaining that members of the 23rd USCT were going into the contraband camp and forcing young male slaves to join the army (the 23rd took the highest casualty rate of any USCT unit at the Crater). We may have even found a Custis slave who joined a USCT unit (more on that later).

As far-fetched as it may sound, my mind starts to race when I contemplate the significance of such a hypothetical encounter!
My search for Camp Casey and the underlying implications of its location, then, will be a major feature of my research as my stint as a Park Ranger at Arlington House continues. Any breakthroughs will be reported on The Sable Arm, and if anyone out there has any insights on this matter, please shoot them my way.

Until then, the quest continues…

Tuesday, June 26, 2012

You, Me & Bobby Lee

In the wake of much public outcry from the tens and tens of people who read The Sable Arm, an update from your humble blogospondent:

Greetings and happy summer to everyone!
I apologize for the dearth of posts over the past three months – life has been crazy as of late.

I’ve had the privilege of working at Arlington House: The Robert E. Lee Memorial since May and I’ve had a blast delving into the history of America’s most hallowed ground. For those of you who may be interested, we will be commemorating the 181st anniversary of the marriage of Mary Custis to God’s Second Son (Robert E. Lee to you mere mortals) this Saturday with period dancing, burnt sacrifices and offerings to Ole Marse Robert, and more!

OK, I lied about the whole sacrifice thing, but it will still be a great event…

Also going into effect soon will be a Civil War tour led by yours truly that will explore the history of Arlington House during the Civil War and visit the graves of such Civil War luminaries as John Gibbon, Phil Sheridan, Johnny Clem, Fighting Joe Wheeler, EOC Ord, Hiram Berdan, Phil Kearny and more!
One fascinating aspect of working at Arlington House is getting to know the little-told tale of Freedman’s Village, a contraband camp that was transformed into the first home that thousands of former slaves would live in as free people until it was shut down by the government in 1900.



In terms of the USCT story, over 1,500 USCTs are buried in sections 27, 23, and 13 including Medal of Honor recipients from New Market Heights. In addition, Fort Corcoran, training ground of the 107th USCT (seen below in this famous photograph) was located on the former grounds of the estate that Robert E. Lee knew as home for 30 years.

I hope to post more on Freedmen’s Village and United States Colored Troops buried at Arlington in the near future, but until then please stop by and say hey.

More to follow…

Saturday, April 7, 2012

A Discussion Question (Don’t Worry, It Won’t Be Graded)


Traditional histories of the American Civil War tend to state that the Union success that cemented the re-election of Abraham Lincoln was the capture of Atlanta at the beginning of September, 1864. However, if one is to believe Dr. Gary Gallagher’s thesis that citizens of both the Union and Confederacy always had their eyes glued on what was happening in the eastern theater and gave it more importance than what was happening in the western theater, what impact – if any – would the Union successes gained during the Battle of Chaffin’s Farm (including New Market Heights), fought September 29-30, 1864, have had on Northern morale and the re-election possibilities for the President?

Discuss.

Thursday, March 8, 2012

New Market Heights, The Game?

Why yes, actually.

All things considered, it doesn't look too shabby either...

Great detail on the flag.